RichardHolbrooke;Bullish and bullying

　　理查德霍爾布魯克;風生水起，恃強凌弱;

　　The Unquiet American: Richard Holbrooke in theWorld. Edited by Derek Chollet and SamanthaPower.

　　《不安分的美國人：理查德霍爾布魯克世界作為記》。德里克喬列特和薩曼莎帕沃編輯。

　　Richard Holbrooke, an American diplomat knownby friend and foe as a bulldozer, was accustomedto getting his way. His final assignment to fix themess in Afghanistan and Pakistan, however, proved more than he bargained for.

　　理查德霍爾布魯克，一位美國外交官，朋友和對手都認為他是個恃強凌弱的人，他做事總是我行我素。然而，他的最后一次任務收拾阿富汗和巴基斯坦的爛攤子卻沒能如他所愿。

　　Barack Obama appointed him as his presidential envoy, but Mr Holbrooke held littleauthority. Senior officials in Afghanistan and Pakistan, who resented his abrasivepersonality and his relative lack of knowledge of the region, kept him at arm s length. Athome, American generals and the CIA ran the show. Most debilitating, Mr Obama, whosedistaste for self-promotion is well documented, treated his envoy with a coolness notunlike that shown by many of the subcontinent s leaders.

　　霍爾布魯克先生由巴拉克奧巴馬指定為自己的總統(tǒng)特使，但手上幾乎沒有什么權(quán)力。阿富汗和巴基斯坦的高級官員都看不慣他蠻橫粗暴的性格，指責他對當?shù)叵嚓P(guān)情況不了解，對他敬而遠之。而美國國內(nèi)事務由將軍和中央情報局掌管。最削弱他意志的是，人人皆知奧巴馬先生最討厭像霍爾布魯克先生這樣毛遂自薦的人，因而總統(tǒng)對他的特使態(tài)度冷淡，和次大陸國家領(lǐng)導人常有的不冷不熱的態(tài)度沒什么兩樣。

　　This frustrating final post of Holbrooke s life, coupled with his failure to get the job he mostcoveted, secretary of state, may have been what prompted his friends to assemble anencomium in such fast order that it appears less than a year after he died. This tributeoffers essays by colleagues, protgs, several journalists , as well as his wife, Kati Marton, a former foreign correspondent.The reader is presented with mostly admiring anecdotes about Holbrooke s early days inVietnam as a questioning foreign-service officer, his rebellious tenure as Peace Corpsdirector in Morocco, and onwards and upwards as assistant secretary for East Asia and thePacific, peace negotiator for Bosnia and ambassador to the United Nations.

　　霍爾布魯克先生人生中最后的工作讓人提不起勁兒來，再加上他沒始終能坐上自己最想要的職位，國務卿，或許是這些原因使得他的朋友們在他去世后不到一年的時間里就為他寫好了頌詞，這本頌詞的文章作者有他生前的同事、受保護人、幾名記者，還有他曾是一名外事通訊記者的妻子卡蒂馬頓。讀者將會看到霍爾布魯克先生早年在越南發(fā)生的令人羨慕的奇聞異事，那時，他還是個喜歡刨根問底的駐外事務部官員;還將重溫他作為美國和平隊執(zhí)行官在摩洛哥時的叛逆時光，作為東亞和太平洋地區(qū)事務助理秘書時平步青云的時代，以及作波斯尼亞和平談判員和聯(lián)合國大使時的經(jīng)歷。

　　This all feels less complex and engaging than the man himself. More striking areHolbrooke s own writings on foreign policy. Whenever he needed to drive a point home,particularly on subjects he was in the midst of negotiating, he was quick to put pen to paper.The editors have selected some short pieces on Bosnia that stand out for their passion, andthat pass the test of time.

　　這些都不如他本人更立體更有魅力。最令人吃驚的霍爾布魯克先生自己寫的關(guān)于外交政策方面的文章，不論什么時候，只要他認為有必要把問題講清楚，尤其是他正在談判中的問題，他會立刻用筆紙寫下來。編者遴選了他的幾篇有關(guān)波斯尼亞問題的短文，文章富有激情，經(jīng)得住時間的考驗。

　　A stellar piece of Holbrookeiana, now 40 years old but more current than ever, is acritique of the lumbering process of foreign-policy making in Washington, DC. The endemiccaution, overstaffing and endless circulation of policy papers among dozens of bureaucratsmean that presidents and secretaries of state often lack the guidance they need. Themassive foreign affairs machine built up during the post-war era rumbles on, as ornate andunwieldy as ever, he wrote after being in the Foreign Service less than ten years. Aroutine cable on a humanitarian issue needed 27 clearances in Washington before beingsent to the field, he discloses. The essay was passed around the state department earlier thisyear. It still feels accurate, say the editors of this book.

　　霍爾布魯克先生有一篇非常精彩的文章，寫了已經(jīng)有40年了，但現(xiàn)在看來比以往任何時候都更具時效性，這就是對華盛頓政府制定外交政策過程拖沓的批評。一貫的過分謹慎，人員冗余，以及幾十個官僚無休止地審查政策文件，這都表示總統(tǒng)和國務卿常常無法得到他們所需要的指導。二戰(zhàn)后建立起來的龐大的外交事務機器現(xiàn)在還在隆隆地緩慢運作著，和以往一樣零件過多、運作笨拙，只在駐外事務部待了不到 10年的他就這樣寫到。他披露到，一份關(guān)于人權(quán)問題的常規(guī)電報要在華盛頓經(jīng)過27次檢閱才能送往外地。今年早些時候，這篇文章已分發(fā)給國務院。本書編者說，對于文章所提到的問題，現(xiàn)在的情況仍然是這樣。

　　Mr Holbrooke accomplished much. He might have done more in South Asia and, perhaps,Washington if he had understood that the bullying tactics he used to forge a peace in Bosniadid not necessarily work elsewhere. If Richard calls and asks you for something, just sayyes, Henry Kissinger is quoted as saying. If you say no, you ll eventually get to yes, butthe journey will be very painful. In Pakistan and Afghanistan it was hard for Mr Holbrooke toeven start making calls.

　　霍爾布魯克先生取得了很多成就。在南亞，他本能做更多，如果他能明白自己辛苦在波斯尼亞建立和平局勢所采用的欺凌策略并不是在任何其他地方都受用的，也許他在華盛頓也會有更大作為。如果理查德打電話來問你什么事情，只管說是， 亨利基辛格這樣說過，如果你說否，最終你還是要說是，只是這個過程將會非常痛苦。在巴基斯坦和阿富汗，霍爾布魯克先生甚至還沒來得及打電話。

　　RichardHolbrooke;Bullish and bullying

　　理查德霍爾布魯克;風生水起，恃強凌弱;

　　The Unquiet American: Richard Holbrooke in theWorld. Edited by Derek Chollet and SamanthaPower.

　　《不安分的美國人：理查德霍爾布魯克世界作為記》。德里克喬列特和薩曼莎帕沃編輯。

　　Richard Holbrooke, an American diplomat knownby friend and foe as a bulldozer, was accustomedto getting his way. His final assignment to fix themess in Afghanistan and Pakistan, however, proved more than he bargained for.

　　理查德霍爾布魯克，一位美國外交官，朋友和對手都認為他是個恃強凌弱的人，他做事總是我行我素。然而，他的最后一次任務收拾阿富汗和巴基斯坦的爛攤子卻沒能如他所愿。

　　Barack Obama appointed him as his presidential envoy, but Mr Holbrooke held littleauthority. Senior officials in Afghanistan and Pakistan, who resented his abrasivepersonality and his relative lack of knowledge of the region, kept him at arm s length. Athome, American generals and the CIA ran the show. Most debilitating, Mr Obama, whosedistaste for self-promotion is well documented, treated his envoy with a coolness notunlike that shown by many of the subcontinent s leaders.

　　霍爾布魯克先生由巴拉克奧巴馬指定為自己的總統(tǒng)特使，但手上幾乎沒有什么權(quán)力。阿富汗和巴基斯坦的高級官員都看不慣他蠻橫粗暴的性格，指責他對當?shù)叵嚓P(guān)情況不了解，對他敬而遠之。而美國國內(nèi)事務由將軍和中央情報局掌管。最削弱他意志的是，人人皆知奧巴馬先生最討厭像霍爾布魯克先生這樣毛遂自薦的人，因而總統(tǒng)對他的特使態(tài)度冷淡，和次大陸國家領(lǐng)導人常有的不冷不熱的態(tài)度沒什么兩樣。

　　This frustrating final post of Holbrooke s life, coupled with his failure to get the job he mostcoveted, secretary of state, may have been what prompted his friends to assemble anencomium in such fast order that it appears less than a year after he died. This tributeoffers essays by colleagues, protgs, several journalists , as well as his wife, Kati Marton, a former foreign correspondent.The reader is presented with mostly admiring anecdotes about Holbrooke s early days inVietnam as a questioning foreign-service officer, his rebellious tenure as Peace Corpsdirector in Morocco, and onwards and upwards as assistant secretary for East Asia and thePacific, peace negotiator for Bosnia and ambassador to the United Nations.

　　霍爾布魯克先生人生中最后的工作讓人提不起勁兒來，再加上他沒始終能坐上自己最想要的職位，國務卿，或許是這些原因使得他的朋友們在他去世后不到一年的時間里就為他寫好了頌詞，這本頌詞的文章作者有他生前的同事、受保護人、幾名記者，還有他曾是一名外事通訊記者的妻子卡蒂馬頓。讀者將會看到霍爾布魯克先生早年在越南發(fā)生的令人羨慕的奇聞異事，那時，他還是個喜歡刨根問底的駐外事務部官員;還將重溫他作為美國和平隊執(zhí)行官在摩洛哥時的叛逆時光，作為東亞和太平洋地區(qū)事務助理秘書時平步青云的時代，以及作波斯尼亞和平談判員和聯(lián)合國大使時的經(jīng)歷。

　　This all feels less complex and engaging than the man himself. More striking areHolbrooke s own writings on foreign policy. Whenever he needed to drive a point home,particularly on subjects he was in the midst of negotiating, he was quick to put pen to paper.The editors have selected some short pieces on Bosnia that stand out for their passion, andthat pass the test of time.

　　這些都不如他本人更立體更有魅力。最令人吃驚的霍爾布魯克先生自己寫的關(guān)于外交政策方面的文章，不論什么時候，只要他認為有必要把問題講清楚，尤其是他正在談判中的問題，他會立刻用筆紙寫下來。編者遴選了他的幾篇有關(guān)波斯尼亞問題的短文，文章富有激情，經(jīng)得住時間的考驗。

　　A stellar piece of Holbrookeiana, now 40 years old but more current than ever, is acritique of the lumbering process of foreign-policy making in Washington, DC. The endemiccaution, overstaffing and endless circulation of policy papers among dozens of bureaucratsmean that presidents and secretaries of state often lack the guidance they need. Themassive foreign affairs machine built up during the post-war era rumbles on, as ornate andunwieldy as ever, he wrote after being in the Foreign Service less than ten years. Aroutine cable on a humanitarian issue needed 27 clearances in Washington before beingsent to the field, he discloses. The essay was passed around the state department earlier thisyear. It still feels accurate, say the editors of this book.

　　霍爾布魯克先生有一篇非常精彩的文章，寫了已經(jīng)有40年了，但現(xiàn)在看來比以往任何時候都更具時效性，這就是對華盛頓政府制定外交政策過程拖沓的批評。一貫的過分謹慎，人員冗余，以及幾十個官僚無休止地審查政策文件，這都表示總統(tǒng)和國務卿常常無法得到他們所需要的指導。二戰(zhàn)后建立起來的龐大的外交事務機器現(xiàn)在還在隆隆地緩慢運作著，和以往一樣零件過多、運作笨拙，只在駐外事務部待了不到 10年的他就這樣寫到。他披露到，一份關(guān)于人權(quán)問題的常規(guī)電報要在華盛頓經(jīng)過27次檢閱才能送往外地。今年早些時候，這篇文章已分發(fā)給國務院。本書編者說，對于文章所提到的問題，現(xiàn)在的情況仍然是這樣。

　　Mr Holbrooke accomplished much. He might have done more in South Asia and, perhaps,Washington if he had understood that the bullying tactics he used to forge a peace in Bosniadid not necessarily work elsewhere. If Richard calls and asks you for something, just sayyes, Henry Kissinger is quoted as saying. If you say no, you ll eventually get to yes, butthe journey will be very painful. In Pakistan and Afghanistan it was hard for Mr Holbrooke toeven start making calls.

　　霍爾布魯克先生取得了很多成就。在南亞，他本能做更多，如果他能明白自己辛苦在波斯尼亞建立和平局勢所采用的欺凌策略并不是在任何其他地方都受用的，也許他在華盛頓也會有更大作為。如果理查德打電話來問你什么事情，只管說是， 亨利基辛格這樣說過，如果你說否，最終你還是要說是，只是這個過程將會非常痛苦。在巴基斯坦和阿富汗，霍爾布魯克先生甚至還沒來得及打電話。